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Marriage equality in India: Are we ready for the change?


Written by Kanwal DP Singh and Vinayak Jhamb

In the last few years, the traditional definition of “marriage” has been at the centre of public debate. This churn in society signals that there is a need to evolve. Marriage has generally been understood as the legal union of a man and a woman. But recent and contemporary liberal interpretations of marriage and gender roles encompass marital relations between same-sex people.

For many, the memory of times before the reading down of Section 377 is fresh. At the time, a lot of philanthropic work was being carried out by various NGOs. Section 377 was introduced by the British, under the chairmanship of Lord Macaulay. Despite that, the Section or its like finds no mention in the UK’s law. The Wolfenden Committee Report, published in 1957, recommended homosexuality be decriminalised and the Sexual Offences Act, 1967, did just that. In India, Section 377 of the IPC was challenged by way of a PIL by the Naz Foundation in the Delhi High Court in 2009. In 2018, the Supreme Court finally read the Section down in Navtej Singh Johar v Union of India.

The marriage equality debate has reached the corridors of the apex court with the petitions currently being heard at the Supreme Court in Supriyo v. Union of India. A plethora of arguments have been made by both sides; the petitioners stress that same-sex couples deserve and require legal sanction. Senior Advocate Menaka Guruswamy said: “Marriage is not only a question of dignity, but it is also a bouquet of rights that the LGBTQIA+ people are being denied. One cannot nominate their partner for life insurance as well. And, unfortunately, these are not theoretical issues. This is our life and therefore, anything short of that would not be acceptable”. The plaintiffs argue that the right to marriage equality flows from the Constitution’s promise of dignity, equality and fraternity.

The defendants place heavy emphasis on the sacramental union between a biological man and a biological woman. The respondents lay stress on the “conventional binary”, which has been accepted by the heteronormative society, thereby alienating sexual minorities. The Solicitor General of India emphasised the need for the usage of terminology like wife under the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, which would become redundant in the case of gay marriages. For example, in the Indian Succession Act, 1925, there are provisions related to “domicile acquired by the wife on marriage”. This would again become irreconcilable if we use the term, “persons” instead of “husband” and “wife”. Therefore, logistical bottlenecks and hurdles do exist even if the sacramental nature of marriage as an institution is revamped.

Some people cite religious books to oppose marriage equality. On the contrary, in Tamil Nadu, people celebrate the Aravan festival in which transwomen marry the Hindu god. These festivals reflect that unity in diversity is central to India.

On the international front, deliberation over LGBTQ+ rights did not begin until 1994. Toonen v Australia (1994) was a landmark judgment by the UN Human Rights Committee. It noted that all laws criminalising same-sex relationships violate International Human Rights law. Again, sexual orientation became a topic of debate and deliberation at the Beijing Platform for Action and 4th World Conference on Women in September 1995 though certain international bodies claimed that LGBTQIA+ issues have no legal foundation in the international human rights arena. Despite differing opinions, the world witnessed a sea change in the attitude towards same-sex relationships and marriages.

Currently, 33 countries across the globe have legalised same-sex marriages under their domestic jurisdictions. This was started by the Netherlands in the year 2001 when the Dutch Parliament passed a landmark bill allowing same-sex marriages. The Dutch were followed by Belgium, Canada, Spain and South Africa. The US allowed same-sex marriages in 2015. President Joe Biden signed the Respect for Marriages Act, 2022 which conferred statutory powers allowing same-sex marriages at the federal level. Recently, the Supreme Court of Nepal also instructed the government to legally recognise same-sex marriage.

On the contrary, there are about 67 countries that penalise same-sex relationships. These countries usually claim that homosexual relationships cannot be allowed owing to strict religious norms and moral considerations. In our country as well, many groups and organisations vehemently oppose the idea of marriage equality. They believe that such marriages would alter the existing social fabric leading to chaos in our value system. Sociologists and psychologists on the other hand explain that sexual orientation is a private matter and a human right as well.

During the proceedings of the marriage equality case, CJI D Y Chandrachud categorically highlighted the difference between sex as assigned at birth and gender, which is believed to be a social construct. However, there is a fine line between the “implementation of the law” and the “internalisation of the law”. Even if the Supreme Court confers legal sanctity to same-sex marriages, it may not find acceptance in Indian society. Our ability to be able to embrace same-sex couples will reveal itself in due time. The need of the hour is to look at the debate holistically and try to ascertain if Indian society is ready for change. Our country must be aware and conscious of the social change taking place in its folds.

Singh is a professor and Jhamb is a PhD scholar at Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University





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Derek O’Brien writes on Government vs Opposition in Parliament: On parliamentary privilege and all else in Indian politics, there are two sets of rules


Privilege motions have been in the news recently. The Union Minister of Communications, Railways, and Electronics and Information Technology, opened himself to a breach of privilege motion when he divulged the details of what transpired in the parliamentary standing committee meeting on the Personal Data Protection Bill. Then there was the case where the Congress MP from Wayanad had a privilege motion moved against him in the Lok Sabha.

A privilege motion was also sought against 12 MPs for supposedly disorderly conduct in the first leg of the Budget Session. A Rajya Sabha MP was suspended and a privilege motion was moved against her because she allegedly recorded proceedings on her smartphone inside the House. As per the Rajya Sabha bulletin published in the public domain, the Rajya Sabha chairman has also sought a privilege motion against an MP from Aam Aadmi Party for a bizarre reason — repeatedly submitting identical notices!

What is a privilege motion? The Constitution guarantees for certain privileges (rights/immunities) to both Houses of Parliament and their members, to allow them to discharge their functions efficiently. When any of these rights/immunities are violated, it amounts to what is known as “a breach of privilege”. Parliament has the right to punish any such breaches by moving a privilege motion.

How is a question of breach of privilege raised? In the Rajya Sabha, a question of breach of privilege can either be raised by an MP or in the rarest of cases, by the presiding officer himself. The question can either be considered by the House or can be referred to the committee on privileges for examination.

It is interesting to flag that out of the 70 reports of the committee on privileges available on the Rajya Sabha website, the question of privilege in 66 cases was raised by MPs. In only four cases did the chairperson refer the matter of his own accord. Contrast this with what has happened in the last one month — the chairperson has referred three questions of privilege to the committee of his own accord.

The bigger question here is, what should Opposition MPs do when their voices are stifled in Parliament? When microphones are muted, when Sansad TV is censored, when sentences and even full paragraphs from speeches are expunged? When representatives of the people are not allowed to raise people’s issues in Parliament, should they act like lambs to the slaughter? Or should they find innovative ways to register their protest?

Here is what two BJP stalwarts and legendary parliamentarians had to say on the subject. Sushma Swaraj: “Not allowing Parliament to function is also a form of democracy, like any other form.” Arun Jaitley: “There are occasions when obstruction in Parliament brings greater benefits to the country. Our strategy does not permit us to allow the government to use Parliament without being held accountable.”

In the first leg of the Budget session in February, the entire Opposition was raising a demand to order an inquiry (some preferred a joint parliamentary committee (JPC), a few others a Supreme Court monitored probe) into LIC-SBI funds being at risk because of their exposure to Adani companies. Perfectly legitimate parliamentary tactic. How justified is it to now seek a privilege motion against the protesting MPs?

As per earlier reports (2009 and 2014) of the committee on privileges, such “disruptions” do not fall under the purview of parliamentary privileges. The committee found that the intention of the members disrupting was not to prevent any other member from speaking or to question the authority of the chair. It was, in fact, to express their discontent over a particular issue in which their opinion was not being taken note of by the Union government.

Now let me address the issue of an MP (the Opposition or treasury benches) resubmitting identical notices on consecutive days. Goodness me. Re-submission of identical notices has been a common practice, a precedent, for decades in both Houses. This is done by a member for multiple reasons. Most notices lapse after a specific period of time and it is the right of a member to resubmit her/his notice. Or, an MP may choose to repeatedly emphasise on a certain issue over a sustained period of time. Totally legit.

Members from the Opposition across the country are brazenly targeted every day by the Modi-Shah government through their agencies like CBI and ED. No one from the BJP ever is. In the same manner, members of the BJP are never subjected to inquiries by the committee on privileges. Ministers in the Modi government are teflon coated. If they weren’t, why wasn’t the Union IT minister served a privilege notice for shooting his mouth off when he was addressing a forum and disclosing classified information. The minister claimed that Parliament’s standing committee on communications and information technology had examined the Bill and given it a “big thumbs up”. Every constitutional authority remained mum.

Even kindergarten Parliament knows that the proceedings of a committee shall be treated as confidential. Anyone who has access to its proceedings should not disclose any information regarding its report or any conclusions arrived at, before the report has been presented to the House.

For parliamentary privileges and all else in Indian politics, there are two sets of rules. One set of rules for members of TMC, INC, SP, DMK, AAP, BRS, SS, RJD, JD(U), NCP, CPI(M). And a different set of rules for the party run by the two most famous members of the Gujarat Gymkhana.

The writer is Member of Parliament and Leader, All India Trinamool Congress Parliamentary Party (Rajya Sabha). Additional research by Ankita Dinkar





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Magic (black) with numbers | The Indian Express


There was a time when Mr Narendra Modi — and on cue his Finance Minister — swore by the private sector. Like Agriculture and most of the Services, in industry too, Mr Modi’s preferred model was private sector-led growth. The State will step back and be content to be the regulator where regulation was necessary.

At some point of time, after demonetisation, Mr Modi appears to have changed his philosophy. As his faith in the private sector waned, he became a votary of the government-led model. With Budget 2022-23, the change is complete. This is a Budget driven by one engine: government capital expenditure. The rub, however, lies in the numbers.

Shifting Gears

The Finance Minister claimed that in 2021-22 the government had exceeded budgeted capital expenditure. As against a BE of Rs 5,54,236 crore, the RE number was Rs 6,02,711 crore. The surprise turned out to be unpleasant after one read the fine print. The latter amount included a sum of Rs 51,971 crore that was infused into Air India to repay past loans and liabilities before privatization! I did not know that repaying a loan would qualify as capital expenditure! Deducting this amount, the capital expenditure in 2021-22 was only Rs 5,50,840 crore — lower than the BE!

That is not surprising. The government’s capacity to spend money on the capital account is constrained by many factors: multiple levels of decision-making, huge paperwork, diffused accountability, and so on. These constraints will not go away because Mr Modi shifted gears.

There are more unpleasant surprises in the numbers. The Finance Minister generously announced that she will allow the states to borrow an additional sum of Rs 1,00,000 crore, interest free, if it was tied to capital expenditure. Soon it became clear that the states would borrow directly from the market and the Central government would bear only the interest. The nasty surprise was that the Finance Minister quietly tucked this sum into the 2022-23 BE of the Central government’s capital expenditure that printed at Rs 7,50,246 crore, and claimed that the Central government had enhanced its capital expenditure by 35 per cent over the previous year! By no stretch of argument would the additional borrowing by the state governments for their capital expenditure qualify to be Central government capital expenditure. This was deception of the worst kind. Deducting this amount, the Central government’s capital expenditure in 2022-23 BE would be only Rs 6,50,246 crore — a modest increase of Rs 1,00,000 crore over the true number of 2021-22 RE.

Losing Faith

The Modi government’s rhetoric of government capital expenditure-led growth is hyperbole. Further, the government does not have faith in the appetite of the private sector to invest more. The latter was exposed when the ambitious scheme to privatize public sector assets collapsed. Two years ago, the government decided to privatize BPCL, CCL and SCI. Last year, the government decided to privatize two public sector banks and one public sector insurance company. Also, last year, the Finance Minister announced a Grand Bargain Sale of monetizing public sector assets valued at Rs 6,00,000 crore. Not one of the proposals has seen the light of the day! The Railways invited bids to privatize 151 passenger trains on 109 routes — and got no bids! It was no surprise that against a disinvestment revenue target of
Rs 1,75,000 crore in 2021-22 BE, the government hopes to achieve Rs 78,000 crore — that is if the LIC IPO goes through before March 2022!

There are good reasons why the private sector is shying away from investment. The foremost reason is lack of demand. The capacity utilisation in many industries is around 50 per cent. Why would any one invest more when there is idle capacity? Besides, the business environment has become more difficult, not easier, and is filled with cronyism, suspicion and fear.

Ignoring Advice

Many economists have advised the following approach to pull the economy out of the current state of jobless and sluggish growth:

– Stimulate demand by putting more money in the hands of the poor and the middle class — transfer cash, cut indirect taxes:

– Revive the MSMEs that have shut down or have scaled down their business. Such revival will also bring back millions of jobs that were lost;

– Spend more on welfare. The excuse that “we don’t have enough money” will not wash because the top 10 per cent of the population has garnered 57 per cent of the national income and holds 77 per cent of the nation’s wealth. They must come forward and say, like the American billionaires, “tax us more”;

– Review the licence raj that has found its way back through multiple regulations and directions by the RBI, SEBI, the Income-Tax department, etc;

– Rein in the CBI, ED, SFIO and IT so far as businesses and banks are concerned.

I have no expectations that the government will listen to well-meaning advice. Leaving that aside, will the Finance Minister solve a puzzle that is troubling many economists. In 2022-23, will the nominal GDP grow by 11.1 per cent (as projected in the Budget papers) and the real GDP grow by 8 per cent (as predicted by the new CEO)? That would be heaven with inflation at only about 3 per cent!





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